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HUL Approach for Narragansett Beach

By Alexa Vesterholm

Coastal Spaces as Community 'Third Places' in Narragansett, Rhode Island

In a small town in the smallest U.S. state, there is inevitably not much to do. Lacking the overt cultural stimulus characteristic of larger towns and cities, individuals living in and around Narragansett, Rhode Island, turn to the outdoors, filling their free time by gathering in scenic spots along the coastline. This tendency to gather and “hang out” in specific locations aligns with Ray Oldenburg’s concept of “third places” (2009). Defined as locations that “host the regular, voluntary, informal, and happily anticipated gatherings of individuals beyond the realms of home and work,” Oldenburg holds that these places are the foundation for democracy and the well being of the community (2009). Combined with my experiences and observations, it seems the coastline offers many Rhode Islanders a ‘third place.’ However, increased tourism has altered access to these spaces, changing their role in the local community. This blog explores how changes in Narragansett’s Historic Landscape Character impact local gathering spots, and how applying the Historic Urban Landscape (HUL) approach could aid in balancing heritage preservation and access.

About This Blog Series

This is the fourth blog post of the series of 24 blogs prepared by graduate students and early career professionals who shared their views on the future of heritage and landscape planning.

The writers of these blogposts participated in the Heriland Blended Intensive Programme “Heritage and the Planning of Landscapes” in October 2024 in Gothenburg, Sweden.

Narragansett’s Historic Landscape Character

Narragansett, a coastal town spanning about 16 km along Rhode Island’s southern coast and 2.5 km wide, is made up entirely of relatively flat peninsular landforms, and has long been defined by its beaches, rivers, and ponds (Nebiker, 1991). This geography made it attractive to early inhabitants, notably the Narragansett tribe, who relied on these resources for fishing, hunting, and trade for thousands of years (Nebiker, 1991). However, with European colonization, the Historic Landscape Character transformed significantly as settlers developed the area for farming, agriculture, fishing, and trade, reshaping the coastline and wetlands, and building colonial-style houses (Nebiker, 1991). Over the centuries, Narragansett evolved into a popular vacation destination, particularly flourishing in the late 19th century, when wealthy visitors built Victorian-style buildings, summer homes, and resorts along the beaches, further altering the landscape and creating many of today’s landmarks, such as the Narragansett Towers (Nebiker, 1991, 11-14; Barrett, n.d.). These landmarks, which became symbols of Narragansett’s Historic Landscape Character, reflect a period in which the town mainly attracted upper-class tourists. However, since massive fires in 1900 burning most of the elite’s buildings down, Narragansett has been a vacation spot for middle-class families (Nebiker, 1991, 19-20). Despite this, much of its preserved architecture and history still centers the Gilded Age, reinforcing a particular narrative of Narragansett’s “historic” character that overlooks Indigenous history and working-class contributions. Nonetheless, Narragansett beach has been and continues to be the heart of Narragansett, attributing to much of the town’s Historic Landscape Character. As put by a summer resident in 1906, “it is the beach which is the center of life at Narragansett” (Nebiker, 1991, 20). It has historically been a place of gathering, relaxing, and enjoying oneself – the perfect third place. However, recent trends and policies are re-defining who can access and enjoy it.

Figure 1. Narragansett beach and Narragansett towers, photo from Gansett Journals (Gansett Outfitters, 2020).

Shifts in Coastal Access and the Redefinition of Third Places

Today, Narragansett beach is no longer the ‘third place’ it once was for the local community. Due to a recent and significant increase in tourism, with the population jumping from 14,532 in the winter to roughly 34,000 in the summer, coastal access has become increasingly restricted (Rhode Island PBS Census, 2020). Increased fees for beach passes, rising from $5 in 2010 to $12 in 2024, along with restrictive parking policies have made the beach less accessible to locals (Jibilian, 2024). Narragansett town has attempted to navigate the increase of tourists and advocate for locals by introducing certain policies. These policies include, among others, cheaper beach passes for residents, reserving parking spots for residents and introducing a time limit of 2-hours for street parking (Jibilian, 2024). Yet, many residents feel these policies actually prioritize wealthy visitors and seasonal residents, aligning more with profit-driven motives than with the interests of year-round locals (Jibilian, 2024).

Because of this, locals have begun to gravitate toward more peripheral spaces, such as Newton Rocks, Fort Greene, and Black Point, for their gatherings. These sites lack amenities, are not maintained, are not easily accessible, and are sometimes discouraged by authorities, indicating a reduced commitment to the quality of locals’ gathering, or ‘third’, spaces. This shift in the local landscape, with Narragansett Beach no longer being the go-to ‘third place,’ signals a possible disruption in the community dynamics, democracy, and overall town well-being. The  Historic Landscape Character of third places for locals shows that locals have been pushed to ‘periphery’ landscapes of Narragansett, with its main ‘character’ still being the monumental and central beach landscapes.

Policies and Exclusionary Historic Character

While the town’s restrictive policies seem intended to maintain Narragansett’s character, they may inadvertently reflect a deeper emphasis on preserving a selective version of the town’s history. Most of the preserved sites emphasize colonial and Gilded Age landmarks, favoring an upper-class, white colonial history while sidelining the Indigenous and working-class narratives that have also shaped the town. For example – besides the overall history of Narragansett Native Americans being systematically left out from the public’s understanding of the town’s historic character – members of the Narragansett tribe were not even included in what is considered “Narragansett locals” until 2022, and this is only after much debate and controversy (Farzan, 2022). This meant that for Narragansetts to enter Narragansett beach, they had to pay $12 to the government that took it from them (Farzan, 2022).

Furthermore, the policies not only restrict access to spaces but also support the town’s shift in demographics. The small cottages that once littered Narragansett’s coast are being bought, torn down, and replaced with “McMansions,” changing the demographic from middle-class to upper-class and from year-round residents to summer-only residents (Jibilian, 2024). Narragansett town is shifting to a character reminiscent of its character during the Gilded age, and the policies that claim to protect residents do not address the fact that those most ‘local’ to Narragansett may have already been driven to the peripheries and no longer qualify as a ‘resident.’ Rather, these policies actually cater to these wealthy, seasonal residents, and contradictingly support a shift that pushes long-term locals out (Jibilian, 2024). As such, the preservation of Narragansett’s “historic character” seems to prioritize economic interests over community access, as indicated by local sentiment, that the beach has become “more restrictive, harder to get to, and […] exclusionary” (Jibilian, 2024).

The Historic Urban Landscape (HUL) Approach for Increasing Inclusivity

The HUL approach, which considers landscapes as evolving sites shaped by past, present, and future cultural, social, and economic factors, provides valuable insights into Narragansett’s challenges (UNESCO, 2011). By examining Narragansett’s Historic Landscape Character holistically, HUL can help to reveal how current policies might inadvertently hurt the community by promoting an exclusionary “historic character.” The HUL framework would instead advocate for an approach that respects the town’s Indigenous heritage, local communities, middle-class vacation culture, and environmental significance, fostering a more inclusive community and landscape.

By using the HUL approach, Narragansett could, for example, expand its focus beyond colonial and Gilded Age monuments to include sites of Indigenous and working-class significance, balancing tourism and local access. Policies could be developed that focus on increasing the well-being of the local community, rather than on exclusion, while ensuring that residents, including those on the periphery, have access to the coastline and other third places central to the communities well-being. Additionally, including local voices, such as those of the Narragansett tribe and residents that had to move, into preservation and tourism planning could contribute to a landscape that better reflects and respects the full range and depth of Narragansett’s heritage.

Conclusion

With an increase in tourism, Narragansett town faces the challenge of balancing economic interests with community access and heritage preservation. The shift away from Narragansett Beach as a third place for locals shows how policy decisions have the ability to shape landscapes and create social divides. By re-evaluating its preservation and access policies through the HUL approach, Narragansett can protect both its historic character and foster community inclusivity. By recognizing the contributions of Indigenous, middle-class, and seasonal communities alike to Narragansett’s historic character, Narragansett can make sure that its coastline remains accessible to the entire community. In this way, the town can retain the core essence of a true third place – where individuals, regardless of background, can gather, relax, and connect within a shared landscape.

Bibliography

Barrett, Chris. “The Towers – Narragansett Historical Society,” n.d. https://www.narragansetthistoricalsociety.com/the-towers/.

Farzan, Antonia Noori. “Narragansett Tribe Will Be Able to Walk Onto Narragansett Town Beach for Free This Summer.” The Providence Journal, May 17, 2022. https://eu.providencejournal.com/story/news/politics/2022/05/17/narragansett-town-beach-free-narragansett-indian-tribe-ri-beach-access/9792759002/.

Gansett. Figure 1. “A Day in ‘Gansett.” Gansett Outfitters, July 14, 2020. https://gansettoutfitters.com/a-day-in-gansett/.

Jibilian, Isabella. “The Fight Over Access at Narragansett Town Beach – Rhode Island PBS.” Rhode Island PBS, September 22, 2024. https://www.ripbs.org/news-and-culture/climate-environment/the-fight-over-access-at-narragansett-town-beach.

Nebiker, Walter. Historic and Architectural Resources of Narragansett, Rhode Island, 1991.

Oldenburg, Ray. Celebrating the Third Place: Inspiring Stories About the Great Good Places at the Heart of Our Communities. Hachette UK, 2009.

UNESCO. 2011. UNESCO Recommendation on the Historic Urban Landscape.

About the author

Alexa Vesterholm is a master’s student at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, studying Design Cultures. This blog post is inspired by participation in the Heriland Blended Intensive Program, 2024. This blog post is also inspired by her Narragansett Indian heritage.

Contact the author: alexavesterholm99@gmail.com

 

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